Islam in Northe Mozambique: A Historical Overview(2)

Fig. 10. Handwritten book used for Rifa’iyya dhikr, Mozambique Island. Photograph by L. J. K. Bonate.

All religious rituals were accompanied by collective dancing, feasting and drumming. 23,24 One of the ‘dance societies’ was the Rifa’iyya Sufi Order called in Mozambique Molidi, Mawlid, or Mawlid Naquira (from Emakhwa, ‘the dancing mawlid’, and mawlid or mawlid un-Nabi is from Ar., Prophet Muhammad’s birthday celebration), as well as Mawlid Rifa’i. In Zanzibar, according to Trimingham and Nimtz, the Rifa’iyya is called maulidi ya hom (Figs 10–12).25
As in the rest of the Swahili world, mawlid ritual has been ‘the center’ of Islam in northe Mozambique, because mawlid festivities and life-cycle ceremonies accompanied
Fig. 11. A Rifa’i naquib performing a dhikr using dabushi with a murid. Mozambique Island. Photograph by L. J. K.
Bonate.
Fig. 12. Rifa’i dhikr, Mozambique Island. Photograph by L. J. K. Bonate.
by mawlid ritual were and still are central to their lives.26 However, despite links to the Swahili tradition, Islam in northe Mozambique had specific local characteristics also. In the first place, as it was stated earlier, it was linked to the ruling African elites. In the nineteenth century, the inland Africans too could embrace Islam which became an inclusive and broader faith of all Muslims identified as the Maca, but as it was initially circumscribed to the coastal ruling Shirazi clans alone, it was extended to other rulers, the mainland chiefs.
In the second place, Muslims of northe Mozambique were matrilineal. This unique feature can be explained by the fact that in comparison to the Swahili communities of the Tanzanian and Kenyan coasts, where the Hadrami began arriving in the fifteenth century, and the Omani, who later established the Sultanate of Zanzibar, in the eighteenth century, the numbers of Arab immigrants to Mozambique were insignificant.27
In particular, the Hadrami shurafa’, as descendants of the Prophet Muhammad and members of the leaed ‘ulama class, contested Shirazi Islamic claims. This impacted, as Kelly M. Askew points out, on local conceptions of Islam which came to incorporate some principles of Islamic ‘orthodoxy’, including the replacement of the earlier matriliny by the Arab patrilineal ideology, weakening women’s social situation and legal status.28 In northe Mozambique, the absence of the Arab competition over Islamic authority had allowed to retain matrilineal descent and inheritance.29 Although as Claude Meillassoux points out,
Fig. 13. Letter by Fatima binti Zacaria of Quinga, Mogincual, to the Portuguese Administrator at Mozambique
Island, 1893. Mozambique Historical Archives, Fundo do Se´ culo XIX, Goveo Geral de Moc¸ambique, Caixa
No 8–156, Mac¸o 1.
matriliny does not mean matriarchy, it nevertheless allowed women to occupy important political and social positions in northe Mozambique as opposed to their East African Swahili counterparts.30 Some women were even major chiefs, such as Nunu Fatima binti Zacaria of Quinga, Mogincual and Nagima of Namarral, near Mozambique Island, as their letters below attest (Figs 13 and 14).

Muslims and ‘the Effective Occupation’
From 1895 to the early twentieth century, the Portuguese undertook military campaigns of the ‘effective occupation’, resulting from the European ‘Scramble for Africa’, the 1884–1885 Berlin Conference and the 1890 British proposal on the future borders between Portuguese and British colonies in Africa. The campaigns envisioned conquering African territories militarily, taking a full administrative and political control over them, and delineating borders between Portugal, Great Britain and Germany.31 The main objective was to enforce Portugal as a colonial power in the face of the competition from other European powers.
It was into this environment of a generalized crisis that two important Sufi Orders came in northe Mozambique. First came the Shadhuliyya Yashrutiyya in 1897, with Shaykh Muhammad Ma’arouf bin Shaykh Ahmad ibn Abu Bakr (1853–1905) of the Comoro Islands, who was the founder of the Order in East Africa.32 The Qadiriyya reportedly
Fig. 14. Letter by the Namarral Macua Queen Nagima to the Portuguese Administrator at Mozambique Island, 18938. Mozambique Historical Archives, Fundo do Se´ culo XIX, Goveo Geral de Moc¸ambique, Caixa No 8–9, Mac¸o 2.
Fig. 15. Khalifa of the Qadiriyya Sufi Order, Sadaca Ncacha with his silsila. Pemba City, Cabo Delgado. Photograph by L. J. K Bonate
was brought to Mozambique Island in 1905 (or 1904) by a certain shaykh ‘Issa bin Ahmad, residing in Zanzibar who was also originally from Ngazidja in the Comoros, who was a disciple of shaykh ‘Umar Uways bin Muhammad al-Barawi (1847–1909), also the founder of the order in East Africa.33
These new Orders transformed local conceptions and practices of Islam. For example, in contrast to the authority of the old Muslim rulers, the Sufi leaders claimed an authority of religious leaing (‘ilm) and of written authorization (ijaza), situated within a chain of transmission (silsila ⁄ isnad).34 These features had nothing to do with the hereditary power and legitimacy of an African chieftainship or Shirazi families. However, local chiefly clans fought hard and managed to appropriate an Islamic authority inked to the Orders, which contributed greatly to a significant expansion of Islam in Mozambique during the first half of the twentieth century (Fig. 15).35
The Indigenato
Following the ‘effective occupation’, the Portuguese rule began implementing policies of forced labor, direct taxation and arbitrary punishment towards its African territories (laws of 1899, 1904, 1928 and 1930). These policies together with the 1907 Portuguese Administrative Reform laid the basis of a system known as Indigenato, which was fashioned on the French Code d’Indige´nat. The 1907 Reform in particular disceed between African and European legal rights and civil statuses. Africans became colonial subjects, living within the jurisdiction of local ‘traditional customs and usages’ administered by the appointed indigenous authorities, the re´gulos ⁄ regedores (Port., small-scale king, territorial chief), whose main function was to carry out the orders of an often distant Portuguese administrators. Europeans, on the other hand, became citizens of the metropolitan state
Fig. 15. Khalifa of the Qadiriyya Sufi Order, Sadaca Ncacha with his silsila. Pemba City, Cabo Delgado. Photograph by L. J. K Bonate
and subject to its laws. The Indigenato was endorsed by the 1930 Acto Colonial, the Carta Orgaˆnica do Impe´rio Colonial Portugueˆs and the 1933 Reforma Administrativa Ultramarina (Administrative Reform of the Overseas Territories), and in essence remained intact until 1961 when it was formally abolished.
Like France, Portugal adopted an assimilationist and civilizing stance towards its colonial subjects, who could opt for a status of assimilado corresponding to the French e´volue´, provided they could prove to adopt Portuguese customs, language and culture, including the European dress code. However, while the French system pressuposed in principle that a Muslim could become an e´volue´, the Portuguese Estado Novo (1926–1974), driven by intense nationalism, upheld Catholic faith as a crucial marker of the Portuguese national and cultural identity.36 From 1930 to the 1950s, the regime conceived of the Catholic Church as the most adequate tool for its assimilationist agenda, which was expected to ‘nationalize’ (nacionalizac¸a˜o) and ‘Portugalize’ (portugalizac¸a˜o) colonial subjects through mission schooling.37 Education was declared to be based on Christian values with obligatory teaching of the precepts of Catholicism. In 1940, the Estado Novo deepened its commitment to Catholicism by signing a Concordata agreement with the Vatican, and endorsing the 1941 Estatuto Missiona´rio (Missionary Statutes); however, despite the spread of mission schools, between the 1930s and 1950s, the conversion to Islam in Mozambique increased considerably, mainly due to the Sufi Orders and their African leadership. African Muslims of northe Mozambique could hardly become assimilados not only because of the association of the Portuguese national-cultural identity with the Catholicism, but also because the vast majority of them lived under the indigenato rule of the old clans feeding into the ranks of the re´gulos, whose legitimacy was built upon Islam and African tradition of chieftainship.38 The attempt to undermine the Indigenato with 1954 Law did not bear any palpable fruits and the assimilation option was opened to Muslims only in 1961 with the Overseas Administrative Reform (Reforma Administrativa Ultramarina), which conceded equal legal rights to all citizens independently of race, culture or creed. However, as AbdoolKarim Vakil39 argues, this Reform could not live up to the challenge facing the colonial rule with regard to Muslims, that is – to recognize Islam, in particular in Africa, as a religion and Muslims as culturally and politically citizens of Portugal, – the project which remained largely unfulfilled. Association of Muslim re´gulos with the colonial regime, which was neither ‘traditional’ nor Muslim, made the nature of their authority quite controversial, causing a great deal of inteal conflict and heated debates among Muslims, which sometimes led to gradual disjunction between the chiefly and Islamic authorities. Some Muslim re´gulos began taking up the notion of incompatibility of the matrilineal ideology and the chiefly installation ceremonies with a ‘true’ Islam.40 But the chiefs were often compelled to preserve the matrilineal ideology, through which their power and authority were legitimized. Their attempts to change local conceptions and practices, in particular to transform matriliny into an Islamic patriliny were met with strong opposition from local population, who linked the legitimacy of the chiefly lineage to the spirit world of land and ancestors, who were believed to ensure the well-being and the fertility of the land and its people (Fig. 16).
By the mid-twentieth century, a belonging to a Sufi Order and upholding Sufi ideas and practices were the most widespread Islamic identity of northe Mozambique. However in the late 1960s and especially early 1970s, the authority of Sufi shaykhs came under attack from the newly arrived Islamists, identified locally as the Wahhabis, educated in Saudi Arabian Islamic universities. Reformist tendencies were already in place in the 1930s and 1950s, when the so-called sukuti (from Ar., sukut, quiet) Africans and the Deobandi-educated Indian shaykhs criticized the loud dhikr and other Sufi practices.
Fig. 16. Re´gulo Abdul Kamal Megama of Chiure, Cab Delgado, ca. 1963. Photograph courtesy of his son, Aruna Abdul Kamal.
Abubacar Musa Ismael ‘Mangira’, who retued in 1964 from Saudi Arabia after completing a Shari’a course at the Medina University was the most vocal among the Wahhabis.41 He challenged directly the northe Mozambican Sufi establishment and found an impressive support from the southe Deobandis and northe sukutis.42 At this point, Portuguese govement intervened in favour of the Sufis, because they perceived that the northe Mozambican Sufi leaders could be instrumentalized against the encroaching independence movements, the perception which was essentially wrong.43

Post-Colonial Situation
During the first years following the independence, especially in 1977, Frelimo adopted Marxism and the so-called ‘scientific socialism’ and sought to eliminate a wide variety of social practices and beliefs, deemed ‘obscurantist,’ ‘backward’ and thus contrary to the modeist ‘revolutionary norms’, including initiation rites, traditional healing and ceremonies of ancestral supplication, all at the base of the legitimacy and authority of an African chieftainship.44 Religion was identified as another ‘obscurantist element’, and the govement banned religious teachings from schools, nationalized religious institutions and harassed and persecuted religious leaders. Muslims suffered immensely when the hajj, celebration of Ramadan and other Muslim holidays, collection of the monetary donation and rehabilitation of the mosques, and the functioning of the Qur’anic schools were all
forbidden.45
In 1981, Frelimo decided to reconsider its positions toward Islam and create a national Muslim organization, the decision which might have been influenced by the Saudi-based inteational Islamic NGO, the Muslim World League, especially given the Frelimo’s belief that northe Mozambican Muslims were channeling their discontentment to Muslim countries, who, in their tu, were aiding the resurgent opposition groups, such as Renamo.46 A nation-wide Islamic organization called the Conselho Islaˆmico de Moc¸ambique (Islamic Council of Mozambique, CISLAMO) was established in a meeting between the govement and a group of Maputo imams in January 1981, which was convened by Abubacar Ismael ‘Mangira’ with the purpose of responding to the Decree 12 ⁄ 1976 of the new govement prohibiting associations, because most Muslims were organized into associations since the colonial period. The meeting elected ‘Mangira’ as the cocoordinator, later first national Secretary of the Islamic Council. In December 1982, Frelimo radically changed its policy towards religion in general.
Despite that the installation meeting of the Council occurred earlier, it was officially legitimized only in March 1983, one month following the launching of another national Islamic organization called the Congresso Islaˆmico de Moc¸ambique (Sunni) (the Islamic Sunni Congress of Mozambique), which agglomerated a quasi-autonomous group of organizations, including most of the pre-colonial associations and confrateities, such as Sufi Orders and Indian Sunni Comunidades Moametanas, all sharing an anti-Wahhabi stance. During the 1980s and 1990s, the Islamic Council and Islamic Congress continuously competed with each other for the Frelimo party and govement patronage, and of the inteational Islamic NGOs, which reverberated in violent clashes among their ordinary followers.
In the 2000s, some of these conflicts ceased to exists, although the two organizations still represent opposing ideological sides of the local Islam. However, some new and more young, dynamic and sometimes politically active organizations, such as Ahl al-Sunna, as well as Sufi revival groups and the new Muslim civil society organizations have overshadowed them to certain extent.

Short Biography
Liazzat J. K. Bonate is a post-doctoral fellow at the University of Cape Town, working on transnational Islamic NGOs and Muslim publics in Mozambique. She eaed her first BA and MA degrees at the Kazakhstan State University in Almaty, former USSR, followed by an MA in Islamic Societies and Cultures at the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS), University of London, UK and another MA in African History from Northweste University in the United States. She completed PhD in African History with a dissertation on Islam and Chiefship in Northe Mozambique at the University of Cape Town in 2007.
Notes
* Correspondence: University of Cape Town, Upper Campus, Cape Town 213, South Africa. Email: liazbonate@ hotmail.com.

23 Neves in Informac¸o˜es, 10.
24 Lupi in Angoche, 106–107.
25 J. S. Trimingham, Islam in East Africa (Oxford University Press, 1964), 101; A. C. Ahmed, Islam et Politique aux Comoros (Paris: L’Harmattan, 1999), 118–48n.
26 C. Ahmed, Ngoma et Mission Islamique, 13–73, 241; C. Ahmed, Islam et Politique, 84–87, 169–71.
27 Hafkin, ‘Trade’, 50.
28 K. M. Askew, ‘Female Circles and Male Lines: Gender Dynamics along the Swahili Coast’, Africa Today, 46⁄ 3–4
(1999): 67–101).
29 Lupi, Angoche, 144–46, 154–57; Amorim, Relato´rio, 120; L. J. K. Bonate, ‘Matriliny, Islam and Gender in Northe Mozambique’, Joual of Religion in Africa, 2⁄ 36 (2006): 139–66.
30 C. Meillassoux, Mulheres, Celeiros e Capitais, Trans. from French by A. Figueiredo (Porto: Edic¸o˜es Afrontamento, 1977); J. A. G. de M. Branquinho, Relato´rio da Prospecc¸a˜o ao Distrito de Moc¸ambique (Um estudo de estruturas hiera´rquicas tradicionais e religiosas, e da sua situac¸a˜o polı´tico-social), Nampula, 22 April 1969 (Arquivo Histo´rico de Moc¸ambique, Maputo: Secc¸a˜o Especial – No 20, S.E., 2 III P 6), 331.
31 E. Axelson, Portugal and the Scramble for Africa, 1875–1891 (Johannesburg: Witswatersrand University Press, 1967).
32 Interviews – with Shaykh Shaban Muze´, khalifa of the Yashrutiyya, 2 November 1999, and with Shaykh Abdurrahman Amuri bin Jimba, 2 November 1999.
33 Collective interview with Sufi shaykhs, 3 November, 1999, Mozambique Island; Interview with Shaykh
Abdurrahman Amuri bin Jimba, Mozambique Island, 2 November, 1999; Carvalho, ‘Notas’, 63.
34 F. Constantin, ‘Charisma and the Crisis of Power in East African Islam’, in D. C. O’Brien and C. Coulon
(eds.), Charisma and Brotherhood in African Islam, (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1988), 67–90.
35 L. J. K. Bonate, ‘Tradition and Transitions: Islam and Chiefship in Northe Mozambique, ca. 1850–1974’, Unpublished PhD Dissertation, University of Cape Town, 2007.
36 M. Cahen, ‘L’E´ tat nouveux et la diversification religieuse au Mozambique, 1930–1974, I – Le re´sistible essor de la portugalisation catholique (1930–1961)’, Cahiers d’e´tudes africaines, 158 ⁄ XL (2) (2000): 309–49, 311–3.
37 A. M. de M. P. N. de, ‘A Administrac¸a˜o Colonial Portuguesa em Moc¸ambique no Pe´riodo de Marcello Caetano (1968–1974). Mecanismos e Relac¸o˜ es de Poder’ (PhD Dissertation, Universidade Nova de Lisboa, 2003), 101–2.
38 Bonate, ‘Traditions and Transitions’.
39 A. K. Vakil, ‘Questo˜es Inacabadas: Colonialismo, Isla˜o e Portugalidade’, in M. C. Ribeiro and A. P. Ferreira (eds.), Fantasmas e Fantasias Imperiais no Imagina´rio Portugueˆs Contemporaˆneo (Porto: Campo das Letras, 2003), 247–98, 272.
40 B. B. Joa˜o, Abdul Kamal e a Histo´ria de Chiu´re nos se´culos XIX e XX (Maputo: Arquivo Histo´rico de Moc¸ambique, Estudos 17, 2000), 83.
41 F. A. Monteiro, ‘Sobre a Actuac¸a˜o da corrente ‘Wahhabita’ no Isla˜o Moc¸ambicano: algumas notas relativas ao perı´odo 1966–77’, Africana, No. 12, 1993 ⁄ March (Porto: Edic¸o˜es de Centro de Estudos Africanos da Universidade Portucalense, 85–111), 91–5, 104–5; F. A. Monteiro, O Isla˜o, o Poder, e a Guerra: Moc¸ambique 1964–74 (Porto: Ed. Universidade Portucalense, 1993), 413.
42 Monteiro, ‘Sobre a actuac¸a˜o,’ 92–5, 104–5; Monteiro, O Isla˜o, o poder, e a guerra, 413.
43 L. J. K. Bonate, ‘ Muslims of Northe Mozambique and the Liberation Movements’, Social Dynamics, 35⁄ 2 (2009): 280–94.
44 H. West, Kupilikula: Goveance and the Invisible Realm in Mozambique (Chicago and London: The University of Chicago Press, 2005), xvi, 151–2.
45 L. J. K. Bonate, ‘Muslim Religious Leadership in Post-Colonial Mozambique’, South African Historical Joual, 60 ⁄ 4 (2008): 637–54).
46 Bonate, ‘Muslim Religious Leadership’.

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